Aspect, tense, modal force, and the effects of event variables in Romanian “a accepta + că / să”

Abstract

In this paper, I analyse the predicate a accepta “to accept” followed and sometimes preceded (in previous events) by either the realis type conjunction că “that” or by the irrealis să “SJV marker”. I try to answer questions like: (1) what are the boundaries between the two main modal forces, thus what happens when they appear simultaneously (or individually), (2) how these conjunctions might change the aspectual verification, donating, sharing or keeping (in terms of Roberts 2019), in CCs (Complex Clauses) with event variables (Davidson 1967), (3) how the Vendlerian (1967) classification might affect the general perception of the mentioned predicate when it is combined with other dependent / non-dependent events. The aim of the paper is to check the temporal, aspectual, and modal boundaries in the mentioned construction, so it is based on syntactical and cognitive notions. The analysis includes the relative compatibility of că “that” with [I’ and w’] – which is usually associated with non-finite forms, and the accomplishment compatibility of să “SJV marker” – which is more prominent with CCs involving că “that” (with perfective events). The polarity-based negation is also part of the paper (in the examined structure), leading to negation as operator vs. stance-taking. The temporal and aspectual gaps are also key points of the paper.